On Democracy
January 18, 2009
In The Voyage to Lilliput Jonathan Swift portrayed a class of men whose fortunes depended upon their skill at balancing on a tightrope. Another group analyzed such performances and predicted who would fall and when. Swift’s light satire of the British Parliament takes an ugly turn, however, when Gulliver realizes that these beautiful miniature humans routinely use their laws to justify savage acts of aggression and greed, and there is no virtue in them.
I fear Swift’s words apply as well to democracy in the 21st Century as they did in the 18th. The signature moment of the last quarter of the 20th Century had to be the death of communism and the fall of the Berlin Wall. The first quarter of the 21st may well mark the death of democracy.
Let’s look at the last two years in Canada as an example. The Liberal leadership convention was manipulated by Gerard Kennedy, a clever rope-balancer who would not have appeared out of place in Gulliver’s Travels. In hopes of personal benefit he formed an alliance with Stephane Dion to leapfrog the two leading contenders. Delegates with an eye on little but victory went along with the plan, and almost by luck of the draw Stephane Dion ended up the deeply-flawed leader of the Liberal Party of Canada.
This left the door open for Stephen Harper, a man of unsteady balance, to take power and keep it by a ruthless campaign of partisan attacks upon any and all opponents.
I am disgusted at the gleeful way that Harper and his minions pick over the bones of what was once the great institution of Parliament, but I recall what has happened to leaders in Canada who have attempted to act unselfishly. At his retirement Bill Davis extended full funding to Catholic schools. John Tory promoted equitable funding for the schools of all religious denominations. Voters rejected the plans resoundingly. An election campaign is no place for ideals.
Stephane Dion’s carbon tax was the right approach to lead Canada into a new century, but citizens voted their wallets, their prejudices, and the images created for them on television. All Harper had to do was claim loudly that the plan was “crazy” and “would screw everybody” – even when his own studies proved the opposite to be true – and voters gleefully torpedoed the Liberal Party.
Then we come to Count Ignatieff, a man who shows little interest in democracy, but seems willing to listen to Canadians. His reluctant philosopher-king persona harkens back to a time when wisdom, vision, and commitment to the greater good were what mattered in a leader, not fund-raising ability or the willingness to savage opponents. Perhaps it is appropriate that he took office by coronation. Democracy hasn’t exactly distinguished itself lately.
Then we look below the border to the Obama inauguration. I like Obama and I love his oratory. The doubt in the back of my mind has to do with the nature of his democratic mandate. Admittedly, the Republican Party was so bankrupt after eight years of George Bush that they had lost the will to govern. They selected the most liberal of all their candidates and then wondered why few Republicans supported him. They cheered when McCain brought in the Palin soap opera to energize the most conservative Republican voters. Neither of these tactical errors ensured the victory of Obama, but one blooper killed the McCain campaign: they failed to raise enough money.
Obama may come to be known as the Internet president. While McCain made the fatal error of admitting that he couldn’t use email, Obama’s political machine used social networking sites to raise millions of small contributions from individuals. It is here that his “democratic” mandate lies. The flow of cash left no doubt that many, many people bought into Obama’s vision of a better world.
These funds enabled his campaign to blanket the culture with advertising, even to the point of buying space for billboards in video games. The U.S. Presidential Election was won not on the debating podium, but in the battle of the budgets. Obama had four times the money to spend that McCain had. That’s democratic in some sense, but I still have my doubts.
So what’s wrong with selecting leaders by vote? It should work fine in a village to hire a dog catcher. It might conceivably work to elect a president in the U.S. system. But Canada is a vast mosaic of cultural, regional, and economic groups. To cram all of their needs and aspirations into a single ballot is to enable the tyranny of the winner over the vast majority.
All it took to form the government of Canada the last time was 37.6% of the vote, with a turnout of 59.1%. But Stephen Harper took the choices of the 22% of Canadian citizens who voted for his party as a personal mandate to bludgeon the 78% who did not support him. Thus in his first economic statement Jim Flaherty went after the opposition parties, public servants and women, and Harper showed his spite after a failed courtship with bridge-blowing tactics designed to cut Quebec off from the rest of Canada.
So now comes the new budget. That pall over Ottawa these days is the smell of Stephen Harper’s Hush Puppies smouldering as Iggie holds the PM’s feet to the Parliamentary furnace. This undignified Anglo Saxon method of encouraging a man to keep his word might very well work. Be ready for plenty of squeals from Harper and his minions this week, though.
The Road to Power
December 7, 2008
The road to power in Canada is to march to the left while claiming to march to the right, and to adapt to every eventuality while proudly proclaiming that you will never change.
Nobody I asked was able to give me the source or precise wording of the above truism, but all agreed that it has been around Canadian history for generations. If any reader can clarify the statement, please drop me a line.
My point with the quotation is that Canadian politicians invariably change after they are elected and discover the true nature of their jobs. Honourable men and women, regardless of their politics, once in parliament form a strong commitment to doing the best they can with what they have. For this reason I trust Gilles Duceppe a lot more than Stephen Harper because Duceppe has long demonstrated pragmatic behaviour in the House of Commons, despite his claims to the contrary. He does his job as defined by his constituents as well as he can, and I believe he will honour his commitment should the coalition take power.
Stephen Harper gained re-election on a promise of pragmatic leadership, but as soon as the opportunity arose, he tore off to the right wing in a spectacularly un-Canadian manner, seeking to settle a few personal scores and upsetting everyone to no good purpose. When cornered, he let loose blasts of vitriol which I fear have blistered relations within the country for the foreseeable future. As more and more analysts are now saying, it seems he can’t help himself: he just has to attack.
In all fairness, though, I can’t go through with my suggestion that Harper is to blame for the closing of the Chaudiere Bridge to Quebec from Ottawa because of crumbling arches. Last week’s bombast, even though fired in that direction, just wasn’t that powerful.
Speaking of bombast, we had an amazing evening of television last week when Harper asked the networks for time to make a public service announcement and the coalition members asked for equal time. I wonder if Simpson, Jaccard and Rivers had any inkling of what could happen when they named their 2007 publication Hot Air. Stephane Dion’s inadvertent endorsement of the book on climate change turned into one of those bizarrely cruel accidents on which the fates of nations turn.
Liberal aide Mike Gzowski mustn’t be much of a photographer. The camera’s automatic focus seemed to be oriented toward the upper left corner of the screen, rather than Mr. Dion’s face in the centre. Thus the only thing clearly in focus for the entire speech was the end paper of the volume at the corner of the bookshelf in the background, Hot Air.
As I watched I found it very difficult not to take this as an editorial comment upon all that was happening on this fevered and painfully amateurish evening in Ottawa. First we had Stephen Harper-as-vampire in a darkened red room, heavy with draped Canadian flags, speaking soothing banalities in a strange lisp through bad pancake makeup.
Then came a half-hour of Peter Mansbridge ad-libbing – not an unpleasant experience, by the way.
At long last the tape began with a flash of red, and then Dion’s nose. Why in the world would anyone set up a camera at this angle? Gzowski couldn’t figure out how to raise the tripod? At first I thought it must be deliberate sabotage, or that the nutty professor was trying to use the camera by himself. If I were to write a comic scene for a novel I couldn’t do better than this.
My mind flipped back to the defining moment of the election campaign in which Dalton McGuinty replaced Ernie Eves as Ontario P.M. The initial goof was a Friday press release from the Tory war room calling McGuinty “an evil, reptilian kitten eater from another planet,” but that wasn’t the defining moment. It came the following day when at a media stop on a dairy farm, a kitten wandered over to the feet of the candidate. With a grin to the photographers he picked it up and they snapped away. As soon as I saw that picture Monday morning, I knew the thing was won.
In this case, amid the hyperbole, distortions and outright lies emanating from Harper and his Myrmidons, I ran across this word from the gods: “Hot Air!” But the only lie so far I had heard from Dion was a vague claim to competence. From the looks of this film, though, that claim was a real whopper, and it has left Dion’s leadership in tatters.
On Sunday evening as I write this the political landscape in Canada has again changed. Stephane Dion will resign the leadership prior to the Liberal caucus meeting on Wednesday, and Dominic Leblanc and Bob Rae will throw their support behind Michael Ignatieff as Liberal House Leader. This puts Ignatieff into the game in time for the return of Parliament on January 26th.
Stephen Harper can’t be happy about this development: the Liberals have used his time-out to their advantage, and what’s more, he still has a trunkload of anti-Dion ads and only a month or so to dust off some anti-Soviet, anti-Harvard stuff. What’s more, Iggy will be no pushover.
The play which could still win the day for the CPC would be if Harper resigned or the caucus removed him. Coalition support would evaporate on the spot. If they have the guts to do it my next vote is Conservative, because the local MPs seem to be pretty good guys.
Searching for the proper quote
December 3, 2008
22 DECEMBER: OMIGOSH! DID STEPHEN HARPER READ THIS COLUMN??? HES…MARCHING TO THE LEFT, JUST LIKE IN THE QUOTE!!!
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I’m going nuts trying to find the correct version of the following quotation:
The road to power in Canada is to march to the left while claiming to march to the right, and to adapt to every eventuality while proudly proclaiming that you will never change.
I think John Diefenbaker, Dalton Camp or Peter C. Newman said it, and it’s at the heart of my argument, so I would very much like to nail it down.
My pitch is that I trust Gilles Duceppe a lot more than Stephen Harper because Duceppe has long demonstrated pragmatic behaviour in the House of Commons, despite his claims to the contrary. I believe he will go along with the coalition in order to do a good job.
Stephen Harper gained re-election on a promise of pragmatic leadership, but as soon as the opportunity arose, he tore off to the right in a spectacularly un-Canadian manner, thereby upsetting everyone to no good purpose. Such a man cannot be trusted.
Laurence Peter once said: Some problems are so complex that you have to be highly intelligent and well informed just to be undecided about them.
Such is certainly the case in Canada at the moment. The less informed the speaker, the more certain he or she is about the current situation in Ottawa. Astonishingly, most accept Harper’s argument that it must be illegal to overthrow an elected, minority government. Only the educated few realize that this is a normal function of the parliamentary system, however seldom used.
Blood in the snow on Parliament Hill
November 30, 2008
Last Friday the Finance Minister’s update created chaos on Parliament Hill. While journalists waited for a stimulus package to lead worried Canadians into the New Year, what they saw was a series of partisan attacks upon public servants, working women, and the opposition parties. To compound their amazement, Flaherty predicted a surplus. T.V. newsmen openly laughed at the math used to produce that set of numbers, but all through the weekend every Tory M.P. interviewed grimly stuck to the party line distributed by Chief of Staff Guy Giorno and condemned opposition bail-out plans “written on the back of an envelope.”
Minds of a historical bent immediately flipped back to the Harris-Eves years in Ontario when the route to a balanced budget lay in selling Highway 407 to an Arab consortium and the Bruce Generating Station to a British utility. The subsequent mess this crowd made of power generation in Ontario remains, with Walkerton, the enduring legacy of that government.
So Flaherty’s done it again. As ex-M.P. Garth Turner put it this week in his blog, “He did nothing to create a single job for one Canadian worker. But he walked us closer to the brink of deficit, started to sell off the furniture, and forced a needless war with his political opponents at a time when the country needs all oars in the water. http://www.garth.ca/weblog/2008/11/
Then Friday afternoon Stephen Harper waxed indignant because of “a plot to overthrow Canada’s government hatched by the opposition.” This stand was a little hypocritical for Mr. Harper, unless he somehow forgot a 2004 letter to the Governor General bearing his signature along with those of Layton and Duceppe in which he tried exactly the same tactic against Paul Martin (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stephen_Harper).
Sunday Harper unveiled a taped phone conversation which suggested that Layton had been hatching this scheme for a long time. Uh, Steve, that’s what the opposition does, according to the BNA act. What’s illegal is when you record such a conversation without their knowledge. That’s a criminal offense.
In his victory speech six weeks ago Harper expressed his hope that this parliament would work smoothly to benefit all Canadians in a time of economic uncertainty. So why did he attack the right to strike of public servants, block pay equity legislation, and attempt to bankrupt the opposition parties by cutting off the $1.95 per vote public subsidy brought in to replace outlawed corporate sponsorship?
No one else in Ottawa could at a single stroke unify the three opposition parties, women in the work force and the public service of Canada, but Flaherty managed to do it and save $28 million in the process. This is either hubris or stupidity. I’m not sure which.
The best minds in the world right now predict a worldwide recession which may well degenerate into another depression as bad as the one in the 1930’s. The world looks to President-elect Obama as much for his calm and his apparent understanding of the circumstances as for his actions (Niall Ferguson, The Ascent of Money).
In the face of this we have this pair of buffoons: a personal injury lawyer (Flaherty) and a longtime Imperial Oil employee (Harper), who apparently see a world economic crisis as a great time to score points on their opponents.
Canadians were wise enough to keep Harper and company to a minority. The way the rules work, if a minority government fouls up — and it’s pretty clear they have — the Governor General is bound to replace the regime with another viable government, if such a coalition can be found.
Ask an auto worker if you’d rather have your interests represented by a bumbling-but-honest Liberal with a hearing problem or by someone who as finance minister publicly announced that “Ontario is the last place to invest.” The route out of a recession is generally through infrastructure spending, but Flaherty’s position on that one has been, “Cities should stop whining and repair their own crumbling infrastructure.” Furthermore, he offered that the Feds “are not in the pothole business.” Flaherty doesn’t sound like the man to assure financial markets. Oh yeah, there was that flip-flop on income trusts that caused the stock market to dive and even made the U.S. news. Alberta’s Ralph Klein took Flaherty and Harper to task on that one: “The only thing a politician has is his word.” http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jim_Flaherty
If Klein is right, Harper’s on mighty thin ice, indeed. He promised a fixed term after he defeated Martin, then he broke his own law. He promised financial accountability until the travel invoices from ministers and their staffs hit the papers. Flaherty broke Treasury Board rules for so many single-source contracts to cronies that even the Wikipedia online editors despaired of recording them all.
I have already waxed indignant about Harper’s cribbing of speeches from other politicians, so I won’t go back to it here, though at the time I expressed my belief that those who plagiarize eventually have things come apart on them. Stephen Harper doesn’t appear able to see beyond partisan combat and his own interests. Canada desperately needs an inclusive leader who can help us through the next few months or years. Stephen Harper and Jim Flaherty proved last week that they are not the men for the job, and they must go.